This article deals with the syntax of the sacramental construct used in the context of September acts in the Kazakh dialect of Khanty language. The construction is similar to a participative
relative clause and has as its tip semantically empty
wɛr ‘case’. The article compares the syntactic properties of
Relative Clause and design from wɛr. The latter is proposed to be analyzed as relativization of the factual argument [Davidson 1967].
Keywords: Ob-Ugric languages, September acts,

  1. Introduction .
    In Siberian languages, the forms involved are often context-oriented: they can relativize almost any syntactic position [Pakendorf 2012; Shagal 2017]. They do so in a similar way.
    self and participle in the Kazakh dialect of Khanty – for relativization with the help of a non-finitial strategy an unusually wide range is available
    a set of syntactic positions. Examples (1) and (2) illustrate the relativization of subject and adjunct respectively.
    (1) in ari-ti ewi aškolaj-ən rɵpit-ɬ.
    now sing-NFIN.NPST girl school-LOC work-NPST[3SG]
    “The girl who’s singing now works at school.
    (2) ma śatˊśaś-ɛm nɵm-ɬ-əɬɬe
    I’m grandfather-POSS.1SG to remember NPST-3SG.O.
    ɬaɬ par-əm χatɬ
    death war-NFIN.PST day
    “My grandfather remembers the day the war ended.
    A design similar to an unfinished relative proposal is also used in the context of certain predicate acts.
    The apex of the construction is the semantically “empty” noun wɛr ‘case’ modified by the involved form. Example (3) gives the use of this construct as an actant of the verb
    wɵ-ti (know-NFIN.NPST) ‘know’. Next, we’ll call this construct
    analytical rating.
    (3) aś-ɛɬ wɵ-ɬe puχ-əɬ kaša ɬɛw-əm wɛr.
    Father-POSS.3 know-NPST-3SG.O boy-POSS.3 porridge is-NFIN.PST case
    “Father knows the boy ate porridge.
    In this article, we will show that the analytical rating
    is also a relative clause, namely, it represents a relativization of the factual argument. We will describe the syntactic properties
    of argumentative and non-argumental relativization and demonstrate that
    analytical rating is subject to the same restrictions as
    relativization of a subject or direct addition.
    Our study is based on the material of the Kazym dialect of the Khanty language1.
    . All examples were collected by the authors during the expeditions…
    in the village Kazym of Beloyarsky district of Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug.
    between 2018 and 2019. Proposals have been received by the elicitation method, unless otherwise indicated. Read more information on this site
    The article has the following structure. Section 2 contains the main
    information about the marking of the actants in the finishing class in Khanty language.
    Section 3 is devoted to the main properties of nonfinite relative sentences in the Kazakh Khanty language: let’s consider the properties of the two sacramental sentences.
    forms and a set of syntactic positions available for relativization.
    In section 4 we will briefly highlight the properties of analytical rating.
    Section 5 deals with the syntactic properties that differentiate analytic rating from relative sentences. Section 6 describes our proposed analytical rating analysis. The final section summarizes the main points of the article and also highlights issues for further research.
  1. Labeling of Actors in the Finite Clause
    Before proceeding to the discussion of the peculiarities of the sacrament and denomination, we will need to characterize the system of marking in finite.
    clause in Khanty.
    In the Kazakh dialect of Khanty have three nouns
    morphological case: unmarked nominal, -a- and local -(ə)n-. The conjugate of the non-transitional verb and both arguments of the transitive verb (as well as the possessive and dependent postages) are unmarked; the beneficiary, target, and recipient are marked with the dative.
    [Kaksin 2010: 82-84]. The place names also have three downs: Nomination, Accumulative, and Dative, and have no local forms [Kaksin 2010: 82-84].
    2010: 90]. In the neutral word order, the object precedes the verb.
    There are also two types of collateral alternatives in Khanty language. The first one is traditionally called the passive voice, while the second will be called the promotion to the direct object.
    The passive voice is the raising of one of the verb’s arguments to the position of the subject and is accompanied in the finite clause by the pri-.

For the sake of brevity, we will sometimes refer to the idiom under study as “Khanty”.
by the connection to the verb of indicator -a(j) – / -i(j) -. Initial subject to
it’s marked with a locale. The sentence (4b) is a passive clause corresponding to (4a).
(4) a. aŋk-ɛm amp-ɛm ɬapət-ɬ-əɬɬe.
mother-POSS.1SG dog-POSS.1SG feed-NPST-3SG.SG
b. amp-ɛm aŋk-ɛm-ən ɬapət-ɬ-a
dog-POSS.1SG mother-POSS.1SG-LOC feed-NPST-PASS
“Mom is feeding my dog. {a=b}
The passivization process in the Khanty language is largely related to
with information structure level phenomena. Thus, I. Nikolaeva shows that in the Odor dialect of the Khanty Topic can only stand
in the position to be [Nikolaeva 2001: 24-25]. The same feature
also has a passive voice in the Kazakh dialect of Khanty.
When translating sentences with the passive voice, we will try to reflect the described feature of semantics of this category, including
to the detriment of the passive pledge in the Russian translation, the use of
which in Russian is not so directly related to the information structure of the sentence.
Promotion to the object is a collateral alternative, consisting in raising
of a particular type of applicator in the attachment position
(permutative in terminology [Melchuk 2004]; also for Khantyan the term second marking is used [Bárány 2018]). In Khanty this collateral alternative is not expressed by any indicator on
verb, but is accompanied by the obligatory harmonization of the predicate
with the object raised [Kaksin 2010: 145]. Source object gets the locale. To promote the object requires specific discursive
conditions: the rising object should occupy informational and structural position of the secondary top [Nikolaeva 2001].
(5) a. up-ɛm amp-ɛm-a ńʉχi mă-s
sister-POSS.1SG dog-POSS.1SG-DAT meat give-PST[3SG]
b. up-ɛm amp-ɛm ńuχij-ən mă-s-ɬe
sister-POSS.1SG dog-POSS.1SG meat-LOC give-PST-3SG.O
“My big sister gave my dog meat. {a=b}
The progression into an object can occur simultaneously with passivation, in which case the original beneficiary becomes syntactic
the position of the subject, and both the original subject and the original add-on receive local marking:
(6) *amp-ɛm up-ɛm-ən ńuχij-ən mă-s-i

  • dog-POSS.1SG sister-POSS.1SG-LOC meat-LOC give-PST-PASS
  • “My big sister gave my dog meat.